Declared by Panusaya Sithijirawattanakul
Translated by Tyrell Haberkorn
Illustrated by Summer Panadd

[คลิกที่นี่เพื่ออ่าน “คำประกาศราษฎรที่เป็นมนุษย์ มิใช่ฝุ่นละอองธุลีพระบาท จดหมายถึง ร. 10” เป็นภาษาไทย]

There are a wide range of pronouns in the Thai language available to account for the various possible subject positions between any two speakers. I am a different “I” depending on whom I am speaking with, and you are a different “you.” Differences of age, status, gender and the context of a given situation, are what create the many possible ways of expressing “I” and “you.” But even the most far apart among the pairings of I and you cannot reflect enough difference to account for a commoner speaking with a royal. A separate language is needed.

This language is Rachasap, literally “royal words.” Beginning in primary school, Thai students learn Rachasap in case they have occasion to converse with the king or other royals. While the structure of Rachasap is the same as Thai, the nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, and especially the pronouns, are different. When a commoner eats rice, she eats khao, but the king eats phrakrayahan. When a commoner eats morning glory, she eats phak bung, but the king eats phak thod yod. When a commoner addresses the king, she is definitely not able to be “I” and the king is not merely “you.” 

Yet even with the compulsion to study Rachasap from primary school onwards, most Thais do not have the opportunity to converse with the king or other royals directly. The king addresses the people, but the people do not address the king. But this is exactly what Panusaya “Rung” Sithijirawattanakul did on 19 September 2020 as part of the #ReturnPowerToThePeople demonstration organized by the United Front of Thammasat and Demonstration (UFTD). Panusaya emerged as a key leader when she read the 10-point manifesto for reform of the monarchy at the inaugural protest of the UFTD in August 2020. The manifesto included a call for Article 112 of the Criminal Code, the law that describes the crime and stipulates the punishment for lèse majesté, to be revoked; for the king to cease endorsing coups; for investigations to be carried out in the cases of murdered and disappeared republican exiles; and for the division between the king’s private assets and those of the crown to be clarified.^[1]

On 19 September, protestors took over the Royal Ground (Sanam Luang) and renamed it the People’s Ground (Sanam Ratsadorn) to mark the fourteenth anniversary of the 2006 coup. Speeches, performances, and short films stretched through the the night and into the next morning. Panusaya began her speech by radically framing the demands in the UFTD’s ten-point manifesto with an assertion of her humanness and that of all commoners. Rather than dust beneath the king’s feet, one of the phrases used to refer to commoners in Rachasap, she asserted that she was human. Not only is she human, she told the crowd, but the king himself is also human.

Once she had placed this urgent foundation, she turned to elaborate the ten demands in the manifesto of the UFTD. Unlike her first reading of the demands, or those by fellow activists, including Parit Chiwarak, she did not address them to the people, but rather presented them in the form of a letter to Rama 10, or King Maha Vajiralongkorn. Explaining that she did not know, and it may be impossible to know, if the king was aware of the demands, she addressed him directly by his full official name. Referring to herself as “kramom,” a word that means the top of the head and also one of the pronoun options one can use when addressing royalty, she explained that while king may view her as only a speck of dust, specks of dust like her have rights and voices. With her voice, she brought the voice of the people to him. 

Panusaya then elaborated each of the ten demands, highlighting why it would be beneficial for the king himself to engage in the reforms demanded. His honor and reputation, the lives of the people, and the future of the country are at stake. As Panusaya discussed each demand, she still referred to the king as “Your Majesty,” but ceased to refer to herself as “kramom” or another option provided by Rachasap. Instead, she used “rao,” which can either be “we [the people]” or an informal “I” that one uses with equals. At the conclusion of the protest on the morning of 20 September, Panusaya led a march to the Privy Council and handed a paper copy of the letter to a senior police officer stationed outside.

Signaling its significance, Panusaya’s letter was published in Thai by a progressive journal in November 2020.^[2] It is translated into English and presented here on Sanam Ratsadon because of its historical significance and contribution to imagining a future in which a different kind of relation between commoners and the king is possible. In late 2020, one of the most frequently made assertions by the protestors is that the monarchy is an issue that can, and must be, discussed openly and frankly. Part of this, as Panusaya demonstrated, is engaging in this discussion with the king himself. 

Yet the question, eloquently framed in practice in her speech and the letter on which it is based, is what language one should use. One is reminded of the questions raised by the film critic Trinh T. Minh-ha: “So where do you go from here?  Where do I go?  And where does a committed woman writer go?  Finding a voice, searching for words and sentences: say some thing, one thing or no thing; tie/untie, read/unread, discard their forms; scrutinize the grammatical habits of your writing, and decide for yourself whether they free or repress. Shake syntax, smash the myths and, if you lose, slide on, unearth some new linguistic paths. Do you surprise? Do you shock? Do you have a choice?”^[3] Trinh is writing in a much different context — feminist postcolonial film studies — but her questioning admonition to create both a new path and a new language are relevant to the dissident demands to reform the institution of the monarchy in Thailand. 

Daring to create a new path and a new language comes with harsh consequences. In November 2020, Panusaya Sithijirawattanakul was accused of violation of Article 112 in relation to the 19 September 2020 protest.^[4] Article 112 stipulates that, “Whoever defames, insults or threatens the king, queen, heir-apparent or regent, shall be punished with imprisonment of three to fifteen years.”  The case remains ongoing. If the judges choose to find Panusaya guilty, they will be forced to assert what precisely constitutes the crime of violation of Article 112 in Panusaya’s speech and letter to the king. Is it the ten demands? Is it addressing the king directly?^[5] Is it asserting that she is human rather than a speck of dust? Whatever the reason, criminalizing a commoner’s peaceful appeal to the king for reform is itself confirmation of the need for reform.

Finally, a technical note on the translation. There is no equivalent to Rachasap in English, and so the shifts in register that can be felt in Thai must be imagined here. Footnotes and supplemental information have been added to the text in  [ ] where necessary for an audience that may be unfamiliar with Thai politics and history.

[1] Prachatai English published a translation of the 10-point manifesto a few hours after the demonstration on 10 August 2020:https://prachatai.com/english/node/8709.

[2] ปนัสยา สิทธิจิรวัฒนกุล, “คำประกาศราษฎรที่เป็นมนุษย์ มิใช่ฝุ่นละอองธุลีพระบาท จดหมายถึง ร. 10,” ฟ้าเดียวกัน 18.2 (กรกฎาคม-ธันวาคม 2563), 183-187. 

[3] Trinh T. Minh-ha, Woman Native Other: Writing Postcoloniality and Feminism (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), 20. 

[4] As of 6 January 2021, there are 42 people who have been accused of violation of Article 112 in relation to protests held between August and December 2020. See Thai Lawyers for Human Rights, “The Number of Prosecutions Under ‘Lèse Majesté’ in 2020,” 17 December 2021,” https://tlhr2014.com/en/archives/24103.

[5] On 8 November, Free Youth organized a protest at the Democracy Monument in which they invited the people to write letters to the king. Thousands did so and deposited them in large plastic replicas of Thai red mailboxes. But rather than allowing the organizers to deliver the letters, the police seized them. 

---

Greetings to all of the brothers and sisters here. We have taken over the Royal Ground and made it the People’s Ground. Thank you very much to everyone who came together today.

Since the 10^th [The #ThammasatWontWait demonstration, organized by the United Front of Thammasat and Demonstration on 10 August 2020 on the Rangsit campus of Thammasat University], our ten demands to reform the institution of the monarchy have been talked about a great deal. They have been debated and analyzed by those who agree and those who disagree. Debate is itself one of the alluring aspects of democracy. Isn’t that right, everyone?

Today we came to awaken the spirit of Thammasat to once again serve the people. We took over the Royal Ground and turned it into the People’s Ground. Thank you to the masses who joined the protest and created a new page of history with us. We did so with our ideals, with our intentions, and with our shared goals, which are to drive out the Prayuth regime and reform the institution of the monarchy. Isn’t that right, everyone?

At this spot, in this moment, where the value of the people is that of mere specks of dust, the fight that the politicians and political parties are engaged in over the issue of corruption is not what we would call a struggle. Everyone, at present, we see many politicians and political parties who, out of all the issues, choose to struggle over the issue of graft. But they don’t struggle about who counts as human. They do not struggle with the core problem of the institution of the monarchy.

Let me offer you an example, brothers and sisters. This actually took place in parliament. Right now, the latest instance is the 2021 budget [The draft 2021 Fiscal Budget Bill]. It will not be promulgated in time. Not a single person possesses the courage to speak frankly. The reason why it will not be promulgated in time is because the person who must sign it is not in Thailand. [After parliament votes to promulgate a piece of legislation, the king’s signature is required for it to become law. –trans.] Instead, he is living high on the hog off the taxes of the [Thai] people in Germany.

Every politician and every political party knows this. They know that people around the country are facing hardship. But there is no one who dares to directly tell the people what is going on. Some pin the blame on Prayuth Chan-ocha. Some say it is the fault the parliament for not examining it in time. But not a one utters the truth just as it is.

No one in parliament dares to say even the mere fact that the Thai king will not stay in Thailand. And, each time the king returns to Thailand, he does not have to quarantine for fourteen days to prevent the spread of COVID-19. No one knows whether or not he is tested for infection before entering Thailand.

Parliament wrote a law exempting royals and their relatives from paying land and inheritance tax. Yet the people, who must labor to procure everything they have, must pay taxes and so a portion of what they have amassed through their suffering is taken to be lavished upon the masters. 

Many plots of royally-bestowed public land have been reclaimed. This includes, for example, the area behind Saranrom Palace, which belongs to the country and the people. Who possesses it now? Has it been transferred to the royals? It is known everywhere, everyone knows. All of the politicians in parliament know. The civil servants who deal with land matters know. But no one dares to say anything. No one is courageous enough to take back the country’s assets and return them to the people.

Those in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs are well aware that a large portion of the ministry’s funds are used to pay for the Paris accommodations of the king’s daughter. The politicians know. But no one dares to do a thing.

In this moment, we want you to stop prostrating yourselves. Stand up straight with your full spine.

It is not too late to stand on the side of the people. It is not too late to perform the duty of being the representatives of the people. It is not too late to be representatives of those who are human. If you prostrate yourselves, it is as if you are asserting that you are the representatives of specks of dust.

We are not specks of dust under anyone’s feet. Isn’t that right, everyone?

We are not specks of dust under anyone’s feet. 

We are not specks of dust under the king’s feet.

We are human. We possess the value of being human, just like other humans. Regarding the institution of the monarchy, the king is human like us. 

I do not know if those inside the institution of the monarchy are aware of the ten demands that I articulated on 10 August, or if they know what they are for. I do not know if our king heard those demands. We may be unable to ascertain this. Be that as it may, today I would like to address the king directly. The words may be a little bit difficult, but I want to communicate with our king directly.

*

Your Highness, Phrabat Somdet Phra Boramenthararamathipadee Srisinthornmahavajiralongkorn Mahisornbhumipolrachawarangkoon Kitisirisomboonadulyadej Sayamintharathibetsorn Racharawarodomboranathipathitorn Phrawachiraklaochaoyuhua,

My name is Miss Panusaya Sithijirawattanakul. I am one of the people that the king may view as simply being dust underneath Your Majesty’s feet. 

But today I wish to inform Your Majesty that the specks of dust like me have rights and voices. And I am going to share these voices with Your Majesty now. 

I do not know, while Your Majesty abandoned the people to go live in Germany, if Your Majesty knew that the many of the people have been demanding for there to be reform of the monarchy. And I do not know if Your Majesty views this as correct or not.

Let me explain it to Your Majesty directly as follows:

First, we demand the revocation of Article 6 of the Constitution that says that no one may make any accusation against the king. We demand that an article be added that allows parliament to examine the wrongdoing of the king, as was stipulated in the constitution promulgated by the People’s Party. This is because it is our view that whether it is Your Majesty or me, we are both human. We are both Thai. Therefore, we must be under the same law. If Your Majesty or anyone else within the institution of the monarchy violates the law but it is then not held to be a crime, it will be as it is gossiped to be among the people: the king of our country is above the law and is not accountable.

Second, revoke Article 112 of the Criminal Code and allow the people to exercise freedom of expressions about the institution of the monarchy. This includes giving an amnesty to clear the name of all Article 112 prisoners. This is what dignified kings the world over would do. In this era, which is a democratic era, the people want a broad-minded king who listens to the people. If Article 112 of the Criminal Code is not revoked, the rumor will be that Your Majesty is a narrow-minded king who fears even the words of the people.

Third, revoke the Crown Property Act of 2018 and make a clear distinction between the assets of the king under the control of the Ministry of Finance and the assets that belong to Your Majesty personally. This demand is because we do not want Your Majesty to be accused of misappropriating collective assets as Your Majesty’s own. Your Majesty likely knows well that during the reign of Your Majesty’s father, the assets of the king, whether land or various businesses or even shares of Siam Commercial Bank, belonged to the country and only a moderate portion of the profits were used to glorify the king. Your Majesty cannot use them personally to pay for pleasures and luxuries in Germany. 

We are not going to infringe upon Your Majesty’s assets. It is simply that we do not want to see Your Majesty suffer a loss of dignity because Your Majesty infringes upon the country’s asserts.

Fourth, revise the amount of the national budget allocated to the king to be in line with the economic conditions of the country. I must make this request because I do not know if, while Your Majesty is in a faraway land, Your Majesty knows that the people are experiencing hardship and hunger? If Your Majesty continues to use the country’s money lavishly, in the amount of many tens of thousands of millions [of baht] each year, the people will gossip that Your Majesty enjoys pleasure upon the backs of the people.

Fifth, abolish the Royal Offices. Units with a clear duty should be transferred and placed under other agencies. For example, the Royal Security Command should be transferred back to the Army. There is no need at all for Your Majesty to have a personal army. Conversely, if Your Majesty has a personal army and the soldiers under Your Majesty’s command oppress or bully the people, such as threatening or killing them, Your Majesty will be responsible. This will tarnish Your Majesty’s dignity.

The unnecessary units, such as the Privy Council, should be disbanded. The only advisors that the king should listen to are Your Majesty’s people.

Sixth, cease all giving and receiving by royal charity funds. Your Majesty might wonder why can’t the king accept any donations? But may Your Majesty realize that those who donate to Your Majesty are monopoly capitalists. Your Majesty gives them a Garuda badge, which is like a pass that opens the way for these capitalists to exploit and monopolize as they wish without having to be responsible. This causes the people to gossip that Your Majesty accepts bribes from capitalists.

Seventh, cease the exercise of royal prerogative over expression of political opinions in public. If the king is the head of the state, the king must be the leader for the people on all sides. If Your Majesty expresses an opinion that takes a side, will Your Majesty receive trust from the other side(s) or not?

Eighth, cease public relations and education that excessively and one-sidedly glorifies the institution of the monarchy. Instead of resulting in the king having a good image, this results in the criticism that Your Majesty is manufacturing an image. This is not beneficial to Your Majesty in any way. 

Ninth, search for the facts about the murder of the exiles and people who criticized the institution of the monarchy. On this, Your Majesty has nothing to worry about because that which is golden does not fear fire. Real gold is not afraid of fire. If Your Majesty does not know anything about the murder of Mr. Wanchalearm (Satsaksit) and the other exiles, there can be a search for the truth. The king’s innocence will be restored and Your Majesty will not be gossiped about any more. 

Tenth, the king must not sign to endorse any more coups. The people want a king who protects democracy, not a king who is treasonous to the democracy of the people. If Your Majesty loves democracy, may Your Majesty please discourage the soldiers, of whom Your Majesty is the supreme commander, from carrying out coups which destroy democracy with the king as head of state.

This is the voice of the people who want to see the king be conscious of coexisting with the people under a democratic constitution. Your Majesty likely knows well that the people around the country have seen the picture in which Your Majesty is wearing a crop-top and walking around a department store with Your Majesty’s concubine.

The people have laughed bitterly that Your Majesty may not be able to serve as a good example for the people. If Your Majesty listens to the voice of the people, and has Your servant-dogs act in accordance, it will be a way to salvage the existing crisis of faith in the king. But if Your Majesty refuses or signs to endorse Your servant-dog — Jakrapob Bhuridej — to harm us, the people will realize that Your Majesty is an enemy of the people. [General Jakrapop Bhuridej is the deputy commander of the Royal Security Command. –trans.] The crisis of faith will grow deeper with perhaps no possible rehabilitation. 

With the greatest respect for Your Majesty,
A person who is a human, not any kind of speck of dust